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 Rationally Speaking
N. 34,
March 2003
America, Europe,
and the rest of the world
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Quote of the month:
"It has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all the
others that have been tried."
-Winston Churchill
Further readings:
The
Culture of Fear: Why Americans Are Afraid of the Wrong Things, by Barry Glassner.
Web links:
The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations' complete survey..

Massimo's
Tales of the Rational:
Essays About Nature
and Science

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Skeptic & Humanist Web
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How deep is the current divide between Europe
and the United States in terms of how to conduct international affairs? Alarming notes
have been sounded on both sides of the Pond to the effect that the rift risks breaking up
NATO and rendering the United Nations irrelevant (to use the rhetoric of the
Bush administration. Usually, the French are being singled out for leading the rebellion
against the US hegemony, even though an overwhelming majority of European citizens have
been voicing their opposition to the current US policy on Iraq, even in
pro-American countries such as Britain and Italy. As it is often the case
in complex matters, one cannot form a reasonable opinion just by listening to alternative
ways of spinning the same stories in the media (assuming that one bothers to check
directly what the French or British press say, since American media are becoming more and
more homogeneous thanks to their ownership by an increasingly smaller number of
multinationals). It was therefore refreshing to see actual data from a large survey of
American and European attitudes conducted by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations
(CCFR). The picture emerging from the study is more complex and nuanced than what we tend
to hear trumpeted by talking heads and media pundits.
It comes down to the following: Europeans are inclined to agree with Americans on more
issues than either of them agrees with the rest of the world (this is good news for people
who are worried about the collapse of the West). However, there are major areas of
disagreement that might make for a very interesting upcoming decade in geopolitics (and
this is the good news for those who are interested in a more open discussion of
international issues). Lets take a look at some of the details.
First off, Americans and Europeans really like each other, and this goes even for the
French. On a scale of 0 to 100, Americans rate European countries between 61 (Germany) and
76 (Great Britain), which is much higher than they rate any other country except Canada.
Conversely, the Brits rate the US at 68, and the rest of Europe doesnt go any lower
than the Dutchs 59. Furthermore, Europeans and Americans see the same threats in the
world, with terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism ranking the highest. And, both sides
agree that war on Iraq would be justified, if backed by the United Nations (complete
opposition to the war run at only 13% in the US and 26% in Europe at the time the survey
was conducted).
However, worldviews start to diverge when one digs a bit deeper. Generally speaking,
Americans find the world a much more threatening place than Europeans do. Most
importantly, the two also differ on their analysis of why some threats are there to begin
with. For example, 55% of Europeans think that US foreign policies have directly
contributed to the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 (and I would add that a good
case can be made that they are not far off the mark).
Americans and Europeans also sharply disagree on how to fix the problems they face.
Only 19% of Europeans would like to increase their countrys military spending, as
opposed to 44% of Americans (and one need to notice that the US already allocates
significantly more money to the military than European countries do). On the other hand,
Europeans are much more willing to spend their resources on foreign aid, since a large
majority of them sees that as a much more effective key to long-term planetary peace and
prosperity. This divergence has major consequences for the whole concept of
superpower: Americans think that the key to superpower status is a strong
military, while many Europeans want a united Europe to become a superpower in the sense of
cultural and economic interaction with the rest of the world, opposing more military
spending by either their own countries or the European Community as a whole.
If one broadens the horizon beyond the immediate concerns of war and terrorism, other
interesting similarities and differences emerge: Americans are only slightly more
supportive of globalization than Europeans, and about half of both Americans and Europeans
think that global warming is a high-priority threat. However, 66% of Europeans are opposed
to some degree to biotechnology, against only 45% of Americans. Perhaps the largest
divergence of opinions manifests itself on immigration: 66% of Americans consider it a
threat of the highest level, while only 38% of Europeans agree with that assessment (of
course, there are differences among European nations themselves, with Italy being on the
most worried about immigration).
What are we to make of all this? On the one hand, declarations of an insurmountable
divide between the US and Europe are obviously blown out of proportion: we are not
witnessing the big schism of Western culture just yet. On the other hand, it would be
foolish for anybody (and especially for rather single-minded American politicians) to
underestimate the areas of divergence between the two major blocks of world democracies.
And please, stop telling the Europeans that they should get in line because America saved
them during World War II: gratitude is an important value, but wishing to translate it
into perennial and unquestioning allegiance is a bit insulting. And one thing nobody needs
is to add any additional insult to the dialogue between the two major democratic blocks of
the world. |